"When he did arrive he found me seated on top of the box munching a cookie and he was so pleased with my vigilance that he gave me a brand new copper cent from his first pay. Needless to say I was pleased and felt well paid even though I refused to play run-sheep-run with my playmates. As I look back now, my life in mechanics and scientific interest started at the moment of receiving that copper, and strange to say it was the only money ever received from him in all the years that I was associated with him."
"My father was also against Whitehead and would not permit me to go to the shop. I went anyway and when anything happened, naturally I did not say a thing to anyone about it, much less my brother. My mother knew but she only."
"… address me as Junius W Harworth and for Bridgeport purposes as Julius Horvath. This may be a ticklish request but some day I will explain it to you in person and I am certain that you will agree with me."
"Nicholas's brother, Gyula Horvath, was chief assistant and later public relations man for Gustave Whitehead. When he married Louise Swan, a member of the Daughters of the Mayflower*, he was persuaded to change his name to Junius Harworth III. He moved to Detroit and worked as an engineer for Packard. On one visit to the family in Bridgeport, he sat me on his lap and carefully explained the story of Mr. Whitehead's exploits, showing me letters from the flight pioneers Brazilian Alberto Santos DuMont (sic) and one of the surviving Prussian von Lilienthal brothers." (*Louise Swan Harworth was a member of the "National Society Sons and Daughters of the Pilgrims")
The choice of the alias "Harworth" as a last name indicates a conscious decision to deceive, because the small English village of Harworth, Nottinghamshire, has an association with the Pilgrims, and this, conceivably, helped the Junius Harworth family to gain admission into the "National Society Sons and Daughters of the Pilgrims," something which was apparently of great importance to Junius amd Louise.
The letters from Santos-Dumont and Gustav Lilienthal (Otto Lilenthal's brother), presumably written to Horvath/Harworth, have not surfaced.
"Call it woman's intuition if you wish, I knew at my first meeting with Zahm that I must never release anything to him. And I never did. Whether as a result of this, or whether my visitors came from other sources, I never knew, but during the three years of the 1930's research I was constantly harrassed. I tried to stave off efforts of others to induce me to release the results of my work, which included affidavits of witnesses to Whitehead's work, photographs and memorabilia from his home, and information secured by my efforts."
One of the most interesting skirmishes between Randolph and Crane concerned whether or not Stella Randolph possessed one or more photos of Whitehead in flight. On July 13, 1936, Randolph had an unexpected, odd and apparently uncomfortable evening visit at her home with Crane and two others, about which Randolph wrote a multi-page remembrance of their conversation the following day. During the visit Crane probed her about her information and whether she might work with him. Crane told Randolph that he had come across information which was (in Randolph's recollection of his comments) "... quite new and startling." The discussion became heated and ended.
Two weeks later, Crane phoned Randolph to tell her, much to her surprise, that he had spoken with none other than "Junius Harworth," the person whom Randolph called her "leading witness" and who was then under exclusive contract to Randolph "to supply information about Whitehead."
Although Junius Harworth was bound by his exclusive contract with Randolph - and stood to profit from Randolph's book (a fact which seldom has been noted) - Crane said Harworth told him that Randolph had pictures of Whitehead in flight in his airplane, and Crane wanted to see the photos, Randolph notes "... to satisfy himself that they existed, so that he might say so in his book that is forthcoming." After refusing more than once to admit or deny that she had the "photos" (plural) of Whitehead in flight, Randolph said "If you and Mr. Zahm are so eager for this material I have collected why don't you make me a business offer ?" In her contemporary notes about this unexpected and troubling meeting, Stella Randolph doesn't reveal her reaction to learning that Junius Harworth was helping her competition… it can only have been irritating, to say the least, that her primary source, and someone under an exclusive contract, would be helping 'the other side.'
Seven months earlier, on January 3rd, Stella Randolph was told by Anton Pruckner that Crane visited and told Pruckner that Randolph had given permission for Crane to speak with Pruckner, who was one of Randolph's sources and who, like Harworth, had a financial interest (5%) in her book. The problem was Randolph had not given Crane permission. She was told by the Pruckners that "They felt he was an imposter, however, and had not given him any information."
On June 17, 1936, Zahm wrote a letter (on Library of Congress letterhead) to Pruckner which, in essence, invited Pruckner to remember Whitehead's "flights." Zahm write (in part) "I am told you witnessed some early power-plane flights of Gustave Whitehead. Can you say for certain that you ever saw him fly some considerable distance, say more than 500 or 1000 feet, without touching the earth? About how far and how high are you sure you saw him fly in his power-driven monoplane? Did you ever fly with him a distance of several hundred feet without touching ground?" "If Whitehead made true power flights before 1903 those achievements are very important and should be permanently recorded. His skilled assistants can tell such facts as they remember for certain, and thereby do honor to Mr. Whitehead and his family. I would like to place such true testimony on file in the Library of Congress, along with our many other aviation records."
On August 27, 1936, Junius Harworth wrote to Randolph, telling her that… "He [John B. Crane] had also said that he had talked to Pruckner and that he had repudiated his statements to you. I am wondering if this Dr. C. [Crane] is going about paying these people to do so. This has been done before in other matters."
The discord more or less ended the relationship between Randolph and Crane. If there was a breach between Randolph and Harworth, it was apparently patched up, since Junius and Randolph continued their amicable correspondence, as did Junius' widow when that time came.
By January of 1937, as Stella Randolph's book Lost Flights of Gustave Whitehead was approaching publication, Crane told a reporter that "There are several people still living in Bridgeport who testified to me under oath, they had seen Whitehead make flights along the streets of Bridgeport in the early 1900s." and that he, Crane, was considering requesting a Congressional investigation into the matter. This could hardly have escaped Stella Randolph's notice, for she had called for a Congressional committee to examine the evidence in 1936… the US Congress, not surprisingly, took no action.
Crane's aviation history book apparently never appeared in print, and a manuscript for his book has not surfaced. Crane wrote a few more magazine and newspaper articles, many related to the economics of aviation, including "Air Trade with the Americas" and "Slow Plane to America." Crane also wrote "Early Airplane Flights Before the Wrights" for Air Affairs magazine (Winter issue, 1949), revising his earlier position regarding "flights" by Whitehead, yet he also including the statement that the Wright brothers "… were the first to fully master the art of flying."
In 1944 Zahm published Early Powerplane Fathers, a 39-page booklet that devoted ten pages to Whitehead, citing Randolph's Lost Flights of Gustave Whitehead as the main source. Zahm headlined his piece on Whitehead as "Whitehead First To Fly With Petrol Power."
Randolph remained suspicious that Crane's approach to her had been instigated by Zahm.